My remark is that you state that "identity politics" (under which I assume you fill sexism & racism) resolves itself in just and equal societies, but Scandinavian Social Democracies have plenty of skeletons in their closets on this front too. The sterilisation policy was voted in by Social Democrats at the dawn of "Nordic Social Democracy" (with some racial and eugenics justifications, among other) and was kept in place until the mid-70, with questionable cases of targeted uses against native populations and what we now refer to commonly as Roma people, and very overwhelmingly was applied to woman (90%+, I believe). Sweden also forced sterilisation as a necessary step for transgender individuals until very recently (as a number of European countries still do).
It's not that I object that those issues are better adressed (or better buried) in a just & equal society, or that economic duress is a source for the popularity of regressive ideologies, but by and large "identity politics" transcends economic issues, and it is readily apparent in the history of most of what one could dub progressive countries or movements throughout the last two centuries. In that discussion you seem to belittle "identity politics" to little more than a subproduct of economic conditions / class struggle (hence my question) if not an outright fabrication of liberal elites. You also -something we exchanged quickly about in the GAF thread- seem to consider the so called "alt-right" hot topic purely as a reaction to "liberal discourse" -and similarly link the rise of apparent racism in Sweden to economic liberalism- all while being reluctant to accept the argument that it may also has its own agency, history and responsability running parallel and that the "alt-right", despite its nebulous borders, shares many arguments, methods, ideological focal points & personalities with longstanding far-right and neofascists movements that have existed continuously for the last 70 years.
I will have to side with Nola that you made some incredibly large and sweeping statements and offered no specifics beyond the supposed self-evidence of your examples.
The rise of coverage about police brutality may, for instance, also stem from the fact video evidence has become in the last 10 years widely more frequent because of smartphones and bodycams.
I'm not really interested in making walls of text on the matter, so agree to disagree I guess.